Henry Kissinger, legendary diplomat and foreign policy scholar, dies at 100

byRoxaine November 30, 2023

Henry Kissinger, a prominent figure in American foreign policy for over 50 years, passed away at the age of 100 at his residence in Connecticut, as announced by his consulting firm, Kissinger Associates, Inc. The cause of his death was not disclosed.

Former U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, shown here in 2008, was born on May 27, 1923

Known for his influential roles as Secretary of State and National Security Adviser under Presidents Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford, Kissinger played a pivotal, behind-the-scenes role in establishing the framework for more manageable relationships with key nations like the Soviet Union, China, and major Arab countries. Simultaneously, his association with contentious U.S. foreign policy decisions included advocating intense bombing campaigns in Southeast Asia and overlooking human rights violations by governments aligned with U.S. interests.

While Kissinger did not serve directly under a U.S. president after Ford's term, his impact endured, leaving a lasting imprint on U.S. superpower relations. He retained his status as a sought-after authority on international affairs until his passing.

"Kissinger was the leading scholar-practitioner of the post-World War II era," remarked Richard Haass, the president emeritus of the Council on Foreign Relations. "There were other great secretaries of state and a long list of impressive historians, but no one who combined the two pursuits as Kissinger did."

Arriving in the United States as a teenage refugee from Nazi Germany, Kissinger maintained his distinct German accent. His profound, gruff baritone voice delivering pronouncements on foreign policy made him a global icon.

"I remember walking down the street in Manhattan with him, and he would attract a crowd like a movie star, a rock star," recalled David Rothkopf, a former managing director at Kissinger's consulting firm. "Everybody, regardless of what they thought of Henry, wanted to see Henry, wanted to be with Henry."

As an internationally acclaimed former diplomat, Kissinger received accolades worldwide, even in Germany, the country he fled with his family in 1938 due to Nazi persecution. Having experienced anti-Semitic persecution, Kissinger, in an interview, shared childhood memories of crossing the street in Germany to avoid potential beatings from groups of boys.

Upon arriving in the U.S., Kissinger worked during the day and attended school at night until being drafted into the U.S. Army. Stationed in Germany, Private Kissinger was among the American soldiers who liberated Jewish prisoners at the Ahlem concentration camp. Sixty years later, at a documentary screening about Ahlem, Kissinger emotionally expressed pride in having been part of the liberating force.

“There's nothing I'm more proud of than having been one of those who had the honor of liberating the Ahlem concentration camp," Kissinger said, in an uncharacteristically emotional speech.

 

President Nixon walks with U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger in 1972, during peace talks in Paris that were aimed at ending the Vietnam War. A year later, Kissinger was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for his role in negotiating the ceasefire

Expressing the frequency of his interactions with diverse groups, Kissinger conveyed to the survivors of Ahlem that those attending the event held a special place in his heart.

In a speech during the event, Kissinger refuted the idea that the harassment he endured as a teenager in Nazi Germany had a lasting traumatic impact. "That's nonsense," he asserted. "They were not yet killing people. A traumatic event was to see Ahlem. It was the single most shocking experience I have ever had."

His military service in Germany instilled in Kissinger a belief in the concept of achieving peace through strength. Post-army, he pursued education at Harvard, where his extensive 300-page undergraduate thesis, titled "The Meaning of History," gained attention. His tenure at Harvard as a professor became notable for his hawkish perspectives.

Kissinger's writings drew the attention of Richard Nixon, leading to his appointment as national security adviser. Over the subsequent years, he orchestrated a period of bold diplomacy in U.S. history. In 1971, Kissinger orchestrated Nixon's groundbreaking visit to China. Nixon and Kissinger strategically saw this outreach to China as a means to challenge the Soviet Union, China's communist adversary. Prior to this visit, no U.S. leader had ventured to engage with "Red China," as it was referred to then, and afterward, none dared to question the wisdom of the move.

Kissinger argued that meeting with authoritarian leaders was reasonable if there were significant issues to address. Reflecting on his interactions with Mao Tse Tung, the legendary but ruthless leader of Communist China, he acknowledged Mao's role in causing immense suffering but highlighted his strategic thinking in foreign policy.

Simultaneously, while fostering relations with China, Kissinger engaged with Soviet leaders in Moscow. For over four decades, the threat of nuclear confrontation loomed over the two superpowers. Kissinger's diplomatic efforts ushered in a new era of détente, dialogue, arms control agreements, and contributed to easing the persistent and perilous tensions between Washington and Moscow.

However, the limitations of Kissinger's abilities became evident in Vietnam. Nixon dispatched him to Paris for peace negotiations, but after three and a half years of intermittent talks with North Vietnamese counterpart Le Duc Tho, Kissinger prematurely announced in October 1972 that peace was imminent.

Henry Kissinger Talking with Le Duc Tho

"We believe that peace is at hand," he said. "We believe that an agreement is in sight."

Although he and Le Duc Tho were awarded the 1973 Nobel Peace Prize for their endeavors, the agreement they reached did not bring an end to the Vietnam War.

No foreign policy adviser to a U.S. president, either before or after, wielded the level of influence that Kissinger commanded. His communication with Nixon reached a frequency of up to a dozen times a day. Viewing Nixon as someone with insecurities, Kissinger's interactions, as captured in White House phone conversations, reflect his adept catering to Nixon's emotional needs.

"Mr. President," Kissinger reassured Nixon after an April 1971 presidential address on the Vietnam War, "That was the best speech you've delivered since you've been in office." Despite Nixon's hesitation, Kissinger persisted, asserting, "It was a powerful speech," emphasizing its moving delivery.

Constantly on the move, Kissinger engaged directly with global leaders on issues of war and peace. His relentless efforts to find a resolution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict coined the term "shuttle diplomacy."

Despite lacking the conventional allure of a movie star, Kissinger possessed a brilliant intellect and a razor-sharp wit. As a divorced individual, he navigated relationships with glamorous women, subjecting himself to Nixon's good-natured teasing.

"Henry? Where are you?" Nixon chided him in a phone call. "Just let me say that as soon as you take care of the ladies, if you could work it into your schedule, I want you to get back here to the White House."

Before long, Nixon found himself entangled in the Watergate scandal, consumed by political turmoil. In this climate, he effectively delegated foreign policymaking responsibilities to Kissinger.

"That worked for Nixon," remarked Rothkopf, a former Kissinger aide and subsequent author of a book on national security advisers. "Because Nixon didn't want to interact with people so much. He was a little paranoid. And then when he went into the crisis years, Kissinger essentially became deputy president for foreign policy."

In 1973, Nixon appointed Kissinger as Secretary of State while retaining him as National Security Adviser. When Gerald Ford assumed office after Nixon's resignation in 1974, Kissinger continued as Secretary of State but relinquished the role of National Security Adviser.

Kissinger had already left an indelible mark. The robust foreign policy approach he championed became more closely associated with him than with the presidents he served. Notably, his advocacy for détente with Moscow drew criticism from some conservatives within his own Republican Party.

A steadfast adherent to the principle that U.S. national interests should supersede more idealistic goals such as promoting democracy and human rights, Kissinger asserted, "I used to say to my colleagues, we're a country, not a foundation. We have to conduct foreign policy for America."

With this resolute commitment, Kissinger endorsed bombing campaigns in Vietnam and Cambodia to bolster the U.S. negotiating stance. He displayed comfort with the U.S. supporting the "dirty war" in Argentina and Indonesia's invasion of East Timor, citing these actions as aligned with U.S. alliances. Similarly, he endorsed a coup against Salvador Allende, the democratically elected socialist president of Chile.

German Chancellor Angela Merkel and Henry A. Kissinger arrive for the award ceremony for the Henry A. Kissinger Prize 2020 at the Charlottenburg palace in Berlin on Jan. 21, 2020

Critics of Kissinger argued that his association with certain policy decisions rendered him accountable for war crimes. Accusations were inevitable during public appearances, as exemplified by a 2012 event at Harvard.

One audience member confronted Kissinger with a pointed question: "How do you justify receiving the Nobel Peace Prize when you were the architect, with Richard Nixon, of killing four million Southeast Asians during the Vietnam War?" The inquiry extended to the deaths in East Timor and the Chilean coup, resulting in the deaths of thousands of Chileans. The man bluntly asked, "Do you deny these war crimes?" and questioned how Kissinger could live with himself.

Accustomed to such challenges, Kissinger routinely encouraged his critics to consider "the big picture." In response to the accusations, he advised, "Just study who did what, not people who live off proving their country is evil and their leaders are criminal." Kissinger suggested starting with the assumption that rational individuals were in government and understanding the decisions that led to certain outcomes. He urged his critic to delve into the minutes of a national security meeting, asserting that while one may not agree with the decisions, it would deter the casual use of terms like "war criminal."

Despite his personal experience in Nazi Germany, where he encountered criminal leaders, Kissinger engaged with governments known for executing their opponents. It could be argued that Kissinger's own life experiences might have contributed to his ability to approach tough policy choices with a certain detachment.

David Rothkopf, who once served as Kissinger's assistant, posits that Kissinger's worldview was shaped significantly by his childhood experiences in Germany and his service in the U.S. Army.

"These are the formative years," Rothkopf noted. "To understand Kissinger, you have to comprehend a man who escaped the Holocaust, a man who returned to fight in this grand war, a man who saw the United States as the champion against an almost absolute evil."

Rothkopf suggests that perceiving the United States as aligned with the forces of good may have inclined Kissinger to justify questionable U.S. actions worldwide. "That helps to explain, if not entirely forgive, some of the things that happened later," Rothkopf remarked.

According to Richard Haass, who served as the director of policy planning at the U.S. State Department during the George W. Bush administration, Kissinger's foreign policy approach aligned squarely with the realist tradition. In this context, Kissinger emphasized the significance of "buttressing world order ... and shaping the foreign policies of great powers more than their internal political or economic behavior."

Remaining active until the end of his life, Kissinger continued to write books on international affairs and engage in speeches and interviews. While initially impressed by Donald Trump's "America First" stance, expressing optimism about potential positive outcomes, Kissinger later expressed concerns about the administration's withdrawal from global alliances and international engagement, fearing a diminishing U.S. influence on world events.

"Over a period of time in which history is judged," he said, "we will be isolated and become, to some extent, irrelevant."

In contemplating this potential scenario, Kissinger, who always viewed America as a pre-eminent player in the global power dynamics, found the prospect of isolation and irrelevance virtually unthinkable.

Henry Kissinger is survived by his wife, Nancy Maginnes Kissinger, and two children from his first marriage, Elizabeth and David.

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